[Iowa-dx] Fwd: [IPPN] The Nonviolent Army Revisited

[hhart@blue.weeg.uiowa.edu]

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Future Hope column, September 10, 2003

 

The Nonviolent Army Revisited

 

By Ted Glick

 

About three and a half years ago I wrote one of my first Future Hope columns 
about the April 16, 2000 nonviolent civil disobedience action in Washington, 
D.C. directed at the IMF and the World Bank. I dubbed the 10,000 or so of us 
who participated in that powerful action "the nonviolent army," following my 
observation of the way in which the action was organized, undertaken and led. 

 

For the next year and a half that "army," that direct action movement, was a 
dynamic and powerful force, manifesting itself at corporate party conventions 
in Philadelphia and Los Angeles in the summer of 2000 and at the FTAA meeting 
in Quebec in April, 2001. Two years ago preparations were underway for another 
action in late September, 2001, again directed at the IMF and World Bank in 
Washington, D.C.

 

The 9-11-01 terrorist attack seriously disrupted those plans, and the "war on 
terrorism," the invasions and occupations of Afghanistan and Iraq, led most in 
that movement to shift their focus to trying to stop the militaristic and 
repressive response to 9-11. 

 

But things are changing. This week there are actions happening in Cancun, 
Mexico outside of the WTO ministerial meeting. And a major mobilization has 
been underway for months in connection with the planned FTAA meeting in Miami 
Nov. 20-21. Part of that mobilization includes plans for essentially 
nonviolent, disruptive actions by direct action groups from around the U.S.

 

This is a good thing. I hope the actions are well organized and effective. I 
hope they are carried out in a spirit which appreciates that the purpose is not 
primarily to physically shut down the FTAA meetings but to draw attention to 
the urgency of our demands, our righteous anger against corporate globalization 
that is killing people and our eco-system, the absolute necessity of turning 
away from this suicidal path.

 

It seems to me that there are three major, complementary tactics, forms of 
organization, approaches to movement-building that are needed, and needed on a 
consistent, on-going basis, if we are to have any hope of achieving the kind of 
fundamental, systemic changes-revolutionary changes-necessary in this country 
and world:

 

-The basic work involves organizing, consciousness raising about the 
possibility of systemic change and leadership development with grassroots 
people, primarily working class people, whether it be through trade unions, 
community organizations or issue-based work. We should strive to make those 
organizations as a whole committed to these objectives, but whether they are or 
not it is essential that there be individuals and collectives of activists 
within them who are clear that these are tasks they must integrate into their 
day to day work as much as possible.

 

-We need a primarily, but not solely, independent electoral vehicle that runs 
candidates at all levels of the political system, articulating a coherent 
progressive alternative to Democrat/Republican, corporate-dominated politics 
and economics. We need a party which can draw increasing numbers of people into 
a new way of thinking and, over time, a new way of acting when it comes to 
politics. Right now the Green Party/US is the best vehicle that we have for 
this electoral expression. Over time there needs to be either a much broader 
Green Party or a new electoral alliance that involves the Green Party but which 
is more strongly based in and co-led by labor, the black and Latino movements, 
community organizations, and other constituencies.

 

-And we need an activist, in-the-streets, mass movement which engages in large 
legal demonstrations, boycotts and strikes, hunger strikes, and the kind 
of "nonviolent army" direct actions we saw in Seattle and since. This third 
prong of struggle is needed to push the envelope, to underline the urgency, to 
keep the overall independent progressive movement honest. Without it, the 
primarily electoral party runs the risk of becoming more a vehicle for the 
advancement of individual politicians than a vehicle for the advancement of the 
needs and demands of the people. 

 

Those who understand the importance of an on-going "direct action network" need 
to regroup and organize themselves not just for the next action but for the 
longer term. There are lessons to be drawn from the successes and failures of 
the past 4-5 years of this wing of the progressive movement. How can the spirit 
of Seattle be recaptured and married with political/organizational forms of 
organization locally, regionally and nationally that are connected to struggles 
at the grassroots but which are also able to mobilize mass nonviolent direct 
actions on a regular basis against corporate and other targets? Are there local 
models that have been developing over the past few years that are doing just 
this? How have they functioned? What can be learned from them to spread them 
elsewhere? How can regional and national forms of organization be created that 
minimize bureaucracy, which are deeply democratic and transparent, but which 
are wise to the dangers of government infiltration and disruption? 

 

Perhaps there are discussions already going on along these or similar lines. I 
hope so. 

 

A political opening has developed over the summer. The Bushites are on the 
defensive on many fronts. The Democrats, pushed by the peace movement and 
candidates like Kucinich and Sharpton, are using more progressive language and 
rhetoric. Within this context there is space for regroupment and getting 
organized. Let's use it wisely and well.

 

Ted Glick is the National Coordinator of the Independent Progressive Politics 
Network (www.ippn.org). He can be reached at futurehopeTG@aol.com or P.O. Box 
1132, Bloomfield, N.J.  07003.

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

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