[Texgreen] State Sharing and Structure: Learning from Libertarians
David Pollard
davidpollard@iqmail.net
Sat, 19 Aug 2006 11:15:43 -0500
note: This was posted by (and fwded with permission of) Phil Huckelberry
a NC member from Illinois who had the opportunity to talk with one of the
leaders of his state's Libertarian Party about party structure and growth.
I found it fascinating and thought that some of y'all who are interested in
growing the GPTX would to. -dave
State Sharing and Structure: Learning from Libertarians
To: natlcomvotes@green.gpus.org
As we all know, the "other third party" that might arguably claim to be at
about the same organizational level is the Libertarian Party (they're the
ones who would make the argument, of course.)
At the Illinois Renewable Energy Fair this weekend, our table was plopped
next to the Libertarian table (and also, excitingly, across from the
Republicans for Environmental Protection and the Ogle County Democrats...
go figure, we got along smashingly with the Republican and the Libertarians
and didn't speak to the Democrats as well. I wonder if it was something we
said...)
Anyway, the opportunity availed itself to have a conversation about
building third parties with the Executive Director of the Libertarian Party
of Illinois. Some of what came out of this discussion is actually relevant
to what we're currently discussing.
Turns out that a lot of what we're going through, the Libertarians are
going through as well... but worse. There's a huge schism within
Libertarian ranks between hardcore government-out-of-everything-period
Libertarians and what for lack of a better way to put it I would call
"moderate" or "sane" Libertarians who believe the hard-line message might
have something to do with their party going nowhere for the last 30 years.
One of the results of this schism is that a lot of the current Libertarian
leadership has come from the ranks of the people who refused to engage in
the fight at all. This "middle ground" between the hard-liners and
moderates seems to find the ideological debate fairly irrelevant to the
core issue of building the party up.
One development from this rancor in the Libertarian ranks is that the
national Libertarian Party has decided to change the way it deals with
party membership and financing. The national Libertarian Party now has a
dues-free membership setup, the idea being that this will allow them to
develop a much larger list of names and do internal fundraising
accordingly. One of the side effects of this is that, since there is no
longer a formal dues system at the national level, there is no longer any
state sharing of dues.
It seems that many of the state chapters of the Libertarian Party relied
primarily on the state sharing program with the national party. With that
program taken away, many state parties opted not to pursue ballot access
this year. The Libertarians in Illinois have almost no candidates this year.
The Libertarians have traditionally been driven by a top-down money flow,
which explains why even without any kind of serious grassroots presence
they've typically done better than us on ballot access. With a shift to a
membership-oriented focus where they're more aggressively soliciting
members as an intermediary step to soliciting funds, it seems on the one
hand that they're taking a step toward a more grassroots approach, but on
the other, it seems that with the impetus on state and local groups to do
their own fundraising, the national party may actually wind up in control
of a larger pool of money at least at first because it's pretty much the
only facet with the ability to raise funds. In other words, the party
becomes more membership-driven, but the finances are more likely to stay at
the top.
The contrast with us is very interesting. Even with all the talk of state
sharing, the majority of Green Party dollars in the country never go
through GPUS at all. At the same time, we've done very little systemic on
a state by state basis to build up the nominal financial strength of the
national party.
I believe that the approach the Libertarians are using is actually going to
hurt them. Suddenly state parties are cash-starved and lack the necessary
infrastructure to do anything about it. This is at a point in time where
there's already some tension within their party.
Meanwhile, our situation is that the national party is cash-starved, but so
too are several of the state parties. But the state parties have never
been especially reliant on GPUS for financial aid. The state parties, in
effect, grew up being told they needed to be self-sufficient.
With this as a backdrop, what we are now experiencing within GPUS is sort
of an unstated but steady push to make the national organization stronger
and to bring weaker state parties along with it. There is talk of a State
Support Committee, major ballot access needs are being identified, and
action committees are beginning to articulate a much broader role for the
national party. The thing is, that membership base that the Libertarians
are now seeking to build so they can have what they feel will be a more
sustainable financial base, that's something we already have. The catch is
that we haven't necessarily done very much with this basic resource.
Some people have suggested that the next step ought to be state parties
giving the national party their lists. I think this makes some sense, but
I also think we need to be thinking about a different approach. I think
what we really need to be emphasizing is state party empowerment. Many of
our state parties need central _guidance_ that they aren't receiving
because structurally we're not really set up to provide that guidance.
I think it's high time we took the plunge. It's time to seriously
reconsider the formal role of the national party and to make it
emphatically clear that GPUS is here in large part to provide necessary
services to state parties. The solution is not the top-down approach the
Libertarians have used in the past, nor is it along the lines of their
solution to their problems. But the solution also isn't this aloof
hands-off approach Greens have traditionally used.
The problem as I see it is not simply the direction in which work flows
(top-down versus bottom-up) but also in the sense of what the graph is upon
which work is flowing. Traditional anti-hierarchical thought posits that
most decision-making occurs at a broad base as opposed to a skinny top. In
three dimensions, this model would look like a pyramid, or perhaps mor
elegantly, a cone, with a broad base and just a point at the top. I submit
that the cone model is obsolete. Consider instead that the party is a
cylinder, or a slightly acute frustrum, where there's nearly as many people
"at the top" as "at the bottom", and the top isn't a traditional
hierarchical top where a small number of people provide instructions to a
large number at the bottom, but instead that the people at the top are
_also at the bottom_.
Short-term, the national party needs to get some work done to lay the
groundwork for actualizing this. We need to improve our Mission Statement,
and we need to come up with a meaningful short-term solution for our
financial difficulties. But medium-term, we need to be looking toward an
expansion of the role of the national party toward providing substantial
services to state and local parties and Green candidates, and we need to be
developing our finance and fundraising apparatus with that vision in mind.
By mid-2007, we should have a bustling national organization, with action
committees actively engaged in work across the country, networking with
Green groups at the state and local level, with GPUS-assisted ballot drives
underway in states where we know that assistance is needed (e.g. Arizona)
and GPUS-led ballot drives underway in states that need even more
assistance (e.g. Kansas), with a unified commitment to run a strong
presidential campaign in 2008 but to simultaneously run our largest overall
slate of candidates yet for offices of all sizes across the
country. Everything I'm suggesting is eminently doable if we just decide
to make it happen and do the work to actualize it.
Even though most of what I think we have to learn from the Libertarians is
what _not_ to do, it can still help provide a larger contextual construct
upon which to develop a realistic plan for what we _should_ do.
So: given that the NC is a highly reactive body due to the way in which it
is constituted, what is the best way to approach making serious progress on
some of these ideas?
Phil Huckelberry
Illinois Green Party